One-time Vice-President Dick Cheney: A Look Back on the Impactful Government Service

The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was seen as among the most influential incumbents of the vice-presidency in American history. Whereas many VPs were limited to peripheral or ceremonial roles, Cheney held enormous influence during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently referred to as the "real president".

Bush objected to such a characterisation and stated the dynamic was more complex. He observed that Cheney was courteous, consistently addressing him in public settings as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their partnership as a partnership because it indicated that they were on equal footing. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the relaxed president accommodating on a broad range of policy decisions.

A Period Following the Attacks

In charge of a faction of conservative hawks that featured military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a session at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the destruction of any unresponsive planes heading toward the Capitol building.

Cheney said the strikes changed him, causing him to be focused on revenge. Along with other conservative figures, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the invasion of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.

Debated Actions

He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the waterboarding of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on misleading reports echoed by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the correct action to do then. I was convinced then and I maintain that stance today."

Yet even then, there were dissenting voices at a senior level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, carelessness, and unaccountability: potentially, lying, incompetence, and graft."

Wider Perspective

Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for such action. He had written a document detailing situations in which American interests might be compromised (encompassing "availability of vital raw materials, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be positioned to act independently when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," particularly mentioning defense operations against Iraq.

Bush too had arrived in the presidency somewhat determined on implementing what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his intention of reducing America's participation in the Middle East dispute and suggested defense operations against Iraq.

Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a scheme to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his predecessor's countenance that each person had to step on.

Interrogation Methods

But it was Cheney who was among the most vehement behind attacking Iraq, repeatedly referencing agency briefings that were either insubstantial or totally deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush White House politely called as "advanced techniques", the application of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.

Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the torture, Cheney disregarded the report as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place programmes to capture the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."

External Perception

Cheney enjoyed labels given to him by opponents such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the evil genius in the shadows that remains unseen emerge from his domain? It's a nice way to work, in fact."

Corporate Connections

Debate over his business interests pursued him throughout his time as vice-president. Although he had limited background in commerce but established relationships in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.

In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the presidency. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US agreements totaling multiple billions.

It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his tenure at the firm grew from his quarter-million dollars while defence secretary to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty